Can Bengal change?
Deccan Chronicle
The HinduThere will be some sighs as the Trinamool and Congress parties finally seal their seat-sharing deal for the upcoming Bengal elections, the allies sighing in relief, the incumbent CPM in resignation at the challenge posed. With the Congress settling for 65 of 294 seats, some aspects of realpolitik come to light. Aware of the crest Mamata Banerjee is riding, the Congress has made a wise decision to not squabble over numbers but give in to its more powerful regional partner. On its side, the Trinamool recognises the advantages of the alliance, keeping the anti-Left vote together and retaining its link with the national-level party. Why the last is a plus is connected to the Left's history in Bengal.
The CPM came to power in 1977, riding a tide of hope and achieving accomplishments like Operation Barga, land transferred to sharecroppers, while maintaining communal harmony in a state that experienced horrific rioting at Partition. However, it also choked much of Bengal's civil society, party politics dominating everything - whether college entrances, job allocations, law and order, the last a terror tactic used by party musclemen snatching rights and resources. Bengal once held myriad businesses and manufacturing. Over the years, faced with regimented bullying, these dried up. Meanwhile, the state's performance in poverty reduction and education dipped, its fiscal debt rose, its professionals migrated and the desperation around land intensified. Recently attempting to rejuvenate industry, the Left blotted its copybook severely. Its 'official' goondas terrorised locals at sites like Nandigram, handing Mamata a moral advantage.
Currently, while her own precise vision for Bengal's development is yet to fully emerge, Mamata's electoral strategy has been astute. The Trinamool first broke open the CPM's rural bastion, performing well in panchayat, zila and civic elections. It won over intellectuals, roped in software guru Sabeer Bhatia to help its cyber campaign and announced FICCI secretary-general Amit Mitra's candidature, sending encouraging signals to industry.
In all this, its link with the Congress remains significant for it sends a message that Bengal's days of isolation may be over. A government working with the Centre, not constantly opposing it, could serve popular aspirations well. The implementation of poverty reduction strategies, such as NREGA, could improve in an environment divested of patronage politics and ideological wars. And being linked to a party often in central government, answerable to Parliament, could help reduce political violence in the state. It is through moves like these that Mamata can show the Trinamool Congress isn't just about realpolitik but also real change, providing the break Bengal longs for.
The CPM came to power in 1977, riding a tide of hope and achieving accomplishments like Operation Barga, land transferred to sharecroppers, while maintaining communal harmony in a state that experienced horrific rioting at Partition. However, it also choked much of Bengal's civil society, party politics dominating everything - whether college entrances, job allocations, law and order, the last a terror tactic used by party musclemen snatching rights and resources. Bengal once held myriad businesses and manufacturing. Over the years, faced with regimented bullying, these dried up. Meanwhile, the state's performance in poverty reduction and education dipped, its fiscal debt rose, its professionals migrated and the desperation around land intensified. Recently attempting to rejuvenate industry, the Left blotted its copybook severely. Its 'official' goondas terrorised locals at sites like Nandigram, handing Mamata a moral advantage.
Currently, while her own precise vision for Bengal's development is yet to fully emerge, Mamata's electoral strategy has been astute. The Trinamool first broke open the CPM's rural bastion, performing well in panchayat, zila and civic elections. It won over intellectuals, roped in software guru Sabeer Bhatia to help its cyber campaign and announced FICCI secretary-general Amit Mitra's candidature, sending encouraging signals to industry.
In all this, its link with the Congress remains significant for it sends a message that Bengal's days of isolation may be over. A government working with the Centre, not constantly opposing it, could serve popular aspirations well. The implementation of poverty reduction strategies, such as NREGA, could improve in an environment divested of patronage politics and ideological wars. And being linked to a party often in central government, answerable to Parliament, could help reduce political violence in the state. It is through moves like these that Mamata can show the Trinamool Congress isn't just about realpolitik but also real change, providing the break Bengal longs for.
The Pioneer
Deccan Chronicle
The New Indian Express
Times of India
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