If the findings of the first Sanskrit Commission, which came in
the late 1950s, had been implemented by successive Governments,
Sanskrit would have had a more robust presence in the land of its origin.
Any suggestion for the revival of Sanskrit is today fraught with
political implications. One could be denounced as being a Saffronite or a
Hindutva character or a communal element, or all of these, since in the
eyes of the secularists, they mean the same. Besides, there are those
who see no purpose in expending energy over a language that is ‘dead’
(American philologist and Sanskritist Sheldon Pollock’s conclusion); a
language that has collapsed under the weight of the “social
monopolisation and discursive ritualisation” it was used for (Pollock
again); and a language that was not used by the masses but restricted to
the “Place” such as the courts and its high-caste courtiers (in
Pollock’s opinion). It is true that Sanskrit has over the decades lost
out as a medium of oral communication, with various vernaculars and
Hindi taking its place. But the eagerness in some quarters to pronounce
it dead is both misplaced and devious.
Pollock should have been the last person to harbour such funereal
thoughts, given that he has dedicated a lifetime to the study of
Sanskrit and Sanskriti, albeit lending to his interpretations a highly
jaundiced, and to many Indians a deeply offensive, opinion. His stance
has been further discredited by the overt political positions he has
taken and his readiness to mix politics with academia. His willingness
to align everything that he finds in ancient Sanskrit works such as the
Vedas and the Ramayan with his pre-determined notion of caste- and
gender-discrimination prevalent in Indian (or ‘Hindu’, for want of a
better term) society, must have eventually given him sadistic pleasure
over what he sees as the demise of Sanskrit.
And because he believes that Sanskrit fell by the wayside largely
because of the malignant ways of caste-and-patriarchic Hindus, he shows
tremendous reluctance in attributing the fall of the language from its
preeminent position to the long periods of Mughal and British rules in
the country. If he were to hold the monotheistic Muslim kings, and the
British regimes (most notably its learned servant, the famous Thomas
Babington Macaulay), additionally accountable, he would lessen the
burden of guilt on Indians — not a prospect he looked forward to with
relish because that would have disturbed his Left-leaning,
Western-oriented theory crafted over decades.
But despite his best efforts and the propaganda that Sanskrit is dead —
as dead as Latin or Greek — and can, therefore, at best be a subject
matter of academic discussion and no more, this ancient language
inextricably linked to the Indian cultural ethos, still breathes strong,
though not so much in the realm of daily conversation. It was vibrant
enough even in post-independent India; and it will come as a surprise to
many Indians who have been fed on a contrary belief, that as recent as
in the late 1950s, a Government-commissioned panel happily reported on
the ‘living-ness’ of the language considered ‘dead’. And yet, if
Sanskrit has not gained the traction it ought to have, the blame should
lie squarely on the shoulders of successive Governments, and the
secularists who played their petty games via the various regimes which
did little to implement suggestions the panel made.
The Sanskrit Commission of 1956-1957, which had been commissioned by
the Ministry of Education and Culture headed by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad,
found to its pleasant surprise that a lot many people than it had
expected across the country were tuned in to the language and concerned
about its health. Panel Chairman Suniti Kumar Chatterji submitted before
the Education Minister: “As Chairman of the Commission, I have nothing
specially to bring to the notice of the Government, excepting that
Government might give early consideration to our recommendations. As an
educationist, who has been connected with linguistic and humanistic
studies and research for over 40 years, I can only put in a plea before
our national Government for the support of Sanskrit which forms one of
the bases of the cultural and political unity of India. In my opinion,
as a professor of linguistics who has not cut himself off from public
contacts and public affairs, the rehabilitation of Sanskrit in Indian
education and Indian public life, apart from the general cultural life
of the people, will be a potent factor which the Government may well
employ to fight the growing fissiparousness of linguism and to
strengthen the bonds of unity...”
The reference to the promotion of Sanskrit to “fight the growing
fissiparousness… and to strengthen the bonds of unity” among the Indian
people, is contrary to the theory the likes of Pollock and his
supporters have forwarded — of Sanskrit having become a means of
discrimination and social divide. It also goes against the argument
secularists have been pushing that the patronage of this language by a
BJP-led Government would tantamount to foisting a Hindutva agenda.
The panel had strongly pitched for a robust education of Sanskrit at
the school level (now, remember the massive outcry among secularists
when tentative attempts had been made some two years ago to introduce
Sanskrit as a subject, instead of German, in certain schools). It told
the Government in its report, “The aim of education — particularly of
General Education — can never be ‘thorough knowledge or nothing at all’.
Provision must certainly be made even in Secondary Schools for a
specialised study of Sanskrit. But the Compulsory General Course in
Sanskrit would be intended mainly to give a pupil the necessary inkling
into his cultural past, to arouse in him an interest in the language and
literature of his ancestors, to afford him a wholesome training of mind
and character, and to inculcate in him real respect for pure learning.
Nobody ever thought of making every schoolboy a miniature Pandit.”
The Sanskrit Commission had gone to the extent of recommending that,
barring certain exceptions, Sanskrit should be made a compulsory subject
in schools. It said, “One need not fight shy of the element of
compulsion involved here. It is indeed wrong to suppose that compulsion
invariably breeds distaste and unpopularity. Something has to be made
compulsory, because no one would ever think of leaving the choice of
subjects to the immature judgement of a child. As Dr Radhakrishnan once
said, the aim of education should be not only to teach a boy what he
wants but also to make him want what we teach him.”
If these hopes have not been realised to the fullest extent, or to a
level that can be considered satisfactory, even six decades after the
panel giving its findings, there is none but the secularists to blame,
since they had held the reins of national and State education systems
for the longest period of time — and even when out of office, they
maintained their grip through the minions they have placed in various
prestigious institutions of learning.
Courtesy: The Pioneer
Courtesy: The Pioneer
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